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High Court of Justice in Northern Ireland Queen's Bench Division Decisions |
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You are here: BAILII >> Databases >> High Court of Justice in Northern Ireland Queen's Bench Division Decisions >> Doherty and McCartney and MacDermott v. Telegraph Group Limited [2000] NIQB 33 (30th September, 2000) URL: http://www.bailii.org/nie/cases/NIHC/QB/2000/33.html Cite as: [2000] NIQB 33 |
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1. Applications
have been made by the defendants in these actions for orders under Order 82
rule 3A of the Rules of the Supreme Court (Northern Ireland) 1980 and for
orders under Order 18 and Order 22. The cases give rise to similar issues and
were heard together.
2. Desmond
Doherty, Padraig MacDermott and Gregory McCartney are solicitors who act on
behalf of families of victims at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. By proceedings
commenced on 5 July 1999 they claim damages for libel contained in a number of
articles published by the defendant, Telegraph Group Ltd, in the10 and 11 June
1999 issues of the Daily Telegraph newspaper.
4. The
Bloody Sunday Inquiry was criticised last night after admitting that it may
have revealed the identity of five soldiers involved in the 1972 shooting.
5. The
Tories said it was ´scandalous’ that Lord Saville’s team might
have put at risk the lives of the five men, who were named in legal documents
supplied to the relatives of the Bloody Sunday victims.
6. The
controversy will also infuriate other members of the Parachute Regiment who are
today launching a judicial review against Lord Saville’s decision that
they will not be allowed to give evidence to his inquiry anonymously.
7. The
five – four officers and an NCO – were named in documents collected
27 years ago by Lord Widgery’s investigation into the incident that left
13 people dead.
8. These
were among a set of 73 papers that we handed over to solicitors of the
victims’ families last autumn. At the time, Lord Saville believed that
the documents had all been in the public domain.
9. However,
lawyers acting for the former soldiers have said that one of these items might
not have been published before and that as a result the five men named could
have been put at risk of reprisal.
10. The
Conservative MP Gerald Howarth raised the matter in the Commons yesterday, but
the Inquiry team could not give an assurance last night that it had not
endangered the men. A spokesman said he thought the disputed documents had
been in the public domain but that without further checks he could not be sure.
11. Mr
Howarth said he was appalled by Lord Saville’s admission: ´The
inquiry is behaving in an appallingly cavalier fashion’.
12. Mr
Howarth, MP for Aldershot, continued: ´Before it releases any documents,
it should be absolutely sure that they are already in the public domain’.
13. One
former soldier who has been told by his lawyer that his name may have been
revealed for the first time told
The
Daily Telegraph:
´I will be increasing my personal security, to put it mildly, and I will
expect Lord Saville to pay for it.’
14. When
Lord Widgery investigated Bloody Sunday almost all the 40 soldiers who gave
evidence, including 28 who fired live rounds, were allowed to do so anonymously.
15. In
a statement last might, Lord Saville’s office said that the documents
that had been released last autumn were all marked ´ED’ and that, as
a result of research in the Public Record Office and in Kew, it was concluded
that ´ED’ stood for ´exhibited document’.
16. The
disputed documents contained five reports from named Army officers to HQ
Northern Ireland. Three of those officers were named when they gave evidence
to Widgery, but two of the other officers who wrote reports, and three other
soldiers named in the reports, have not been publicly identified as
participants in Bloody Sunday.
17. A
spokesman for Lord Saville said that it had been assumed that these names were
nevertheless in the public domain in the sense of being available in the Public
Records Office. Further investigations will be carried out to find out whether
this is in fact the case."
18. The
plaintiffs claim that this article was defamatory of them. It is alleged that
in their ordinary meaning the words of the article meant and were understood to
mean that :-
19. Three
articles were published on 11 June 1999. They appeared on pages 1, 8 and 29 of
that issue of the newspaper. These are the articles, in the order that they
appeared :-
20. Protection
will be offered to the five former soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday who are
protesting that they have lost their anonymity, George Robertson said
yesterday. The Defence Secretary promised as a matter of urgency to help the
man whose names have been passed on the relatives of the Bloody Sunday victims
as a result of an apparent blunder by Lord Saville’s inquiry.
21. The
offer came as one of the five claimed that the IRA had probably traced them
already. ´We will be under surveillance now’ he told
The
Daily Telegraph.
22. The
Bloody Sunday inquiry insists that the five names have been probably in the
public domain since 1972 but a spokesman admitted that it would take some weeks
before it would be able to say for sure that it had not made a mistake.
23. However,
the men themselves are certain that their names were a secret until some
documents were distributed by Lord Saville’s inquiry last autumn.
24. The
Ministry of Defence said it would see to ´ensure the personal
security’ of the five men involved. A spokesman refused to give
details.”
25. The
lives of British soldiers involved in the Bloody Sunday shootings in Northern
Ireland and their families would be put at risk if they were denied anonymity
during the new inquiry headed by Lord Saville, the High Court was told yesterday.
26. Sydney
Kentridge, QC, appearing for 17 soldiers who fired live rounds during the
Londonderry shootings in January 1972, was asking the court to set aside a
decision of the tribunal last month that the full names of the soldiers should
be disclosed when they gave evidence.
27. The
tribunal which begins its public hearing in September had dismissed the risk of
revenge attacks on the soldiers and their families ´far too
cavalierly’ said Mr Kentridge. Ian Burnett, QC, appearing for the
Ministry of Defence said the new inquiry had ´deliberately chosen’
to expose former soldiers ´to a risk of inquiry or death’, a
decision probably ´unique in the annals of British justice’. He
told the High Court that the MoD was giving its ´unequivocal
support’ to the soldiers’ challenge.
28. The
refusal to give the man anonymity undermined their ´fundamental right to
life’. Mr Kentridge told Lord Justice Roch who was sitting with Mr
Justice Maurice Kay and Mr Justice Hooper. He accused the tribunal of three
distinguished judges of ´going badly wrong’ in taking its decision
and of acting ´so unreasonably as to require its ruling to be set
aside’.
29. It
was not a case about procedure or about balance of convenience said Mr
Kentridge. It was ´a case about human life a the potential danger of the
life of each soldier and the life of his family members’. It was the
second time that soldiers expected to give evidence to the tribunal had
challenged decisions of the tribunal on the degree of anonymity they should be
allowed.
30. Mr
Kentridge and the inquiry had accepted that the soldiers’ fear for their
lives were genuine when it decided last December to allow them a limited form
of protection in that only their surnames, but not the forenames, addresses or
current occupations would be disclosed.
31. Four
of the soldiers who feared that even disclosure of their surnames would place
them in danger of reprisal successfully challenged that decision in the High
Court last March, when 3 more judges, later backed up by three more judges in
the Court of Appeal. Ordered the tribunal to reconsider its decision. After
further hearings the tribunals replaced its decision giving the soldiers a
limited degree of liability with a ruling last month that their full names
should be disclosed unless individual soldiers could show ´special
reasons’ for anonymity.
32. In
arguing that this ruling was so unreasonable that it should be set aside, Mr
Kentridge said the tribunal in its earlier decision had accepted that the
soldiers has not merely a genuine but a reasonable fear that they might be open
to reprisals.
33. It
has also held that anonymity for the soldiers would not prejudice the
fundamental objective of the inquiry, which was to find out the truth about
Bloody Sunday.
34. In
its second ruling on anonymity, the tribunal had decided that the ´search
for truth’ as to what happened had to be both ´thorough and
open’ and that the factor outweighed any potential danger to life, said
Mr Kentridge.
35. ´It
will be our submission that in this second decision this factor of risk was
dismissed far too cavalierly.’
36. At
the start of yesterday’s hearing Michael Mansfield, QC, representing
three families of Bloody Sunday victims, condemned what he called and
´insidious and sustained’ newspapers campaign to protect the soldiers.
37. He
said the campaign could amount to a contempt of court because its aim was to
´impede the stream of justice’.
38. Mr
Mansfield handed the judges newspaper cuttings that he claimed showed that both
The Daily Mail and The Daily Telegraph had been involved in a sustained
campaign.”
39. The
competence of the Bloody Sunday inquiry was questioned yesterday after it was
announced that protection would be offered to the five former soldiers who say
they have lost their anonymity.
40. George
Robertson, the Defence Secretary, promised to help the men whose names have
been passed to relatives of the Bloody Sunday victims as a result of an
apparent blunder by Lord Saville’s inquiry.
41. The
offer came as one of the five claimed that the IRA had probably traced them
already and were watching them.
42. The
inquiry insists that the five names have probably been in the public domain
since 1972 but a spokesman admitted that it would take weeks before it would be
able to say for sure it had not made a mistake. However, the men are certain
that their names were secret until documents were distributed by Lord
Saville’s inquiry to solicitors of the victims’ families last autumn.
43. One
of the men said: ´This is just sheer incompetence. No one is saying they
did this deliberately. It was just that they failed to realise the
significance of including such personal details. We know the five names are
with the families and that means they are with the IRA.’
44. In
a statement following a complaint from Gerald Howarth, a Tory MP, the inquiry
said that when the documents were released last year ´it was not doubted
they had been in the public domain since 1972’.
45. On
Tuesday night the inquiry also denied releasing the names of soldiers that day,
even though that had never been the key complaint against it, Andrew McKay, the
shadow Northern Ireland Secretary, said it was ´an attempt to give
misleading information’, showing that the inquiry was not being run
properly.”
46. It
would have been scandalous enough had the inquiry been uncertain whether it had
made public, some six months ago, the names of five men whom Sinn Fein/IRA
wants to kill. But yesterday, it seemed to concede that this has probably been
done. Certainly, George Robertson, the Defence Secretary, rushed in to promise
extra security for the five men, whose lives Lord Saville’s inquiry, set
up with the blessing of Tony Blair, has put at risk.
47. We
need some answers from Lord Saville, and we need them now. Why the
disingenuous insistence that names had not been released ´today’?
When did those acting for the inquiry discover that names had been released
last autumn? When did Lord Saville himself find out? Why is the inquiry
claiming that it will take ´some weeks’ to confirm that names have
not been released before? If the appeal of these soldiers, and others, for
anonymity succeeds, could not the release of names place the inquiry in
contempt of court? When will Lord Saville deign to address the public about
all this?
48. Its
New Labour, new judges. First, we had Lord Hoffmann, who somehow forgot to
tell his fellow Law Lords that he had an interest in the Pinochet Case. Then
we had Sir William Macpherson, who published the names of Lawrence inquiry
witnesses, thereby putting their safety at risk. Now we have Lord Saville, who
is seemingly taking up where Sir William left off.
49. Sir
William got away with it Lord Saville should not. The lives of British
soldiers are in peril. By now, Sinn Fein/IRA known the names of at least five
of them. How can a blunder that cost lives be examined by a man who is risking
more? The disdainful complacency of Lord Saville is matched only by a
government that praises soldiers when they are serving in Kosovo, but abandons
them after they have served in Ulster."
50. The
plaintiffs claim that these three articles are also defamatory of them in the
same respects as the first article. All three statements of claim contained
claims for aggravated damages and interest.
52. On
3 December 1999 the plaintiffs served amended statements of claim in which
particulars of conduct aggravating damages were pleaded.
53. Mitchel
McLaughlin is the chairman of the political party, Sinn Fein. By proceedings
issued on 3 February 1999 he and his wife, Mary Lou McLaughlin, claim damages
for libel alleged to be contained in an article of which Jeanette Oldham was
the author and Century Newspapers the publisher. The article appeared in the
20 January 1999 edition of the News Letter. The text of the article is as
follows :-
54. Sinn
Fein chairman Mitchel McLaughlin yesterday claimed he is the victim of a
malicious smear campaign being waged by enemy forces in a bid to shame top
republicans.
55. The
Foyle Assembly member - who recently shaved his moustache for a younger look
-blasted rumours that he has decommissioned his wife Mary-Lou for a woman half
his age.
56. Mitchel
said that he believed certain people were waging a wicked whispering campaign,
spreading blatant lies about the sex and love lives of leading Sinn Fein
politicians.
57. ´I
absolutely, categorically deny that I have ever had an affair’, he said.
´It is absolute rubbish. But the rumours do not surprise me.’
58. ´I
have heard the exact same rumour about other Sinn Fein members with impeccable
reputations’.”
60. ´It
seems there are some people spreading rumours about a number of top Sinn Fein
people. The same stories about members leaving their wives and running off
with other people's wives have been doing the rounds for a couple of weeks.
62. Revelations
about the attempted slurs come just days after FAIT development officer Vincent
McKenna told how he was the victim of an equally damaging smear campaign by
republicans.
63. The
high-profile peace campaigner was arrested in Monaghan last Thursday, quizzed
by detectives over alleged sex offences and released without charge, although
Gardai confirmed investigations were ongoing.
64. But
the one-time IRA member claims Provo sources fed detectives a pack of lies
about him so that they would arrest him, and the matter could be leaked to the
press.
66. Meanwhile
the News Letter has learned the IRA's punishment squad commander in Antrim has
stirred up a storm among fellow terrorists after allegedly running off with a
top IRA prisoner's wife seven months ago.
67. He
was ordered to return to the town under sentence of death - stealing an IRA
man's wife is apparently an 'executionable offence' - and to go back to his wife.
68. Last
night an IRA source told the News Letter the man obeyed orders, but has drawn
up a list of 20 IRA men he intends to have shot or beaten amid claims that they
´gossiped’ about the affair.
69. The
IRA is very strict about affairs with other members' wives. You just don't do
it. But this man is off his head and wants to get back at the people he
reckons told people in the town who he was having an affair with."
70. Mr
McLaughlin claims that this article was defamatory of him. He alleges that, in
their natural and ordinary meaning the words of the article meant, or in the
alternative, by innuendo meant and were understood and were intended to mean
that :-
71. Mrs
McLaughlin also claims that the article is defamatory of her. She alleges that
the words of the article, in their ordinary and natural meaning meant or, by
innuendo, meant or were intended to and were understood to mean that :-
73. The
defendants have applied for orders similar to those sought in the actions in
which Mr McCartney, Mr MacDermott and Mr Doherty are plaintiffs and for an
order pursuant to Order 82 rule 3(1) striking out the plaintiffs' claim in
respect of alleged innuendo meanings on the ground of the plaintiffs' failure
to give particulars of the facts and matters relied on in support of the those
meanings.
74. The
plaintiffs have intimated an intention to amend their statements of claim by
adding the following paragraphs relating to their claims for aggravated and
exemplary damages :-
76. The
English rule, which is in identical terms, was considered by the Court of
Appeal in England in the case of
Skuse
v Granada Television Ltd
[1996] EMLR 278. Sir Thomas Bingham MR set out the following principles for
the application of the rule :-
77. These
principles were adopted by the Court of Appeal in this jurisdiction in the case
of
Neeson
and Richardson v Belfast Telegraph Newspapers Ltd
[1999] NIJB 200.
78. It
is clear that, in applying Order 82 rule 3A, the court must be careful not to
pre-empt the function of the jury. While, as Sir Thomas Bingham said, there
will inevitably be an element in the court's deliberations of the impression
the words have made on the judge himself, that must be for the purpose of
deciding what are the
potential
meanings of the words rather than concluding which meanings he would attribute
to them. Over elaborate or zealous parsing of the words is not appropriate to
the exercise that the judge must perform at this interlocutory stage. The
impression created by the words rather than a close textual analysis of their
import should be the touchstone for the application of this provision.
79. The
first issue to be addressed is whether the articles are capable of bearing
meanings defamatory of the plaintiffs. For the defendant, Mr Gerald Simpson QC
submitted that none of the words could be considered defamatory of the
plaintiffs. He pointed out that the articles did not suggest that when the
documents containing the names of soldiers were released there was thereafter
any restriction on their use. Even if the articles could be construed as
meaning that the solicitors had passed the material on to their clients, it was
not suggested that there was anything untoward about that. There was nothing
in the articles, he claimed, to warrant the view that the solicitors had passed
the material to the IRA. The burden of the criticism was of the Inquiry team,
and, possibly of the families of the victims. Nothing in the articles imputed
to the solicitors responsibility for the release of the information to
republican terrorists.
80. I
do not accept these submissions. I acknowledge that there is scope for debate
as to the meaning of the articles and I am not to be taken as having concluded
that they can only be construed as meaning that the solicitors had indeed
passed this information to the IRA, but I am satisfied that the articles are
capable of bearing that construction. In keeping with the injunction given by
the Lord Chief Justice in the
Neeson
case that one should not say more than is strictly necessary since the actual
meaning to be attributed to the words complained of is a matter for the jury, I
refrain from further comment on this issue.
81. I
turn then to the defendant's claim that the words complained of are not capable
of bearing the meanings attributed to them in the statement of claim. For the
plaintiffs, Mr Michael Lavery QC accepted that there was an element of
repetition in the meanings pleaded. He acknowledged that there was duplication
between paragraphs (a) and (b), between paragraphs (c) and (d) and between
paragraphs (c) and (e). He also accepted that paragraph (g) was encompassed in
paragraph (a) and that paragraphs (j) and (h) are covered by paragraph (f).
In light of these sensible concessions, I begin by striking out paragraphs (b),
(g), (h) and (j). Since Mr Lavery had conceded that paragraph (e) was also
duplicated by paragraph (c), an option would be to strike out paragraph (e). I
do not consider, however, that the words complained of are capable of bearing
the meaning attributed to them in paragraphs (c) or (d), however. On that
quite separate ground, therefore, I strike out those paragraphs.
82. Since
I have concluded that the articles are capable of bearing the meaning that the
plaintiffs passed information about the identity of the soldiers to republican
terrorists, I decline to strike out paragraphs (a) and (e). Clearly, a
possible consequence of the relay of such information is that the lives of
those whose identities had been revealed would be put at risk and I therefore
refuse to strike out paragraph (f). I do not consider, however, that the words
are capable of being understood to mean - or even imply - that the plaintiffs
carried on their legal practice and office as solicitors to assist the IRA or
that they were indistinguishable from the IRA. I therefore strike out
paragraphs (g) and (k). I decline to strike out paragraph (i). The surviving
paragraphs are, therefore, (a), (e), (f) and (i).
83. In
light of the amendment to the statement of claim in relation to aggravated
damages, I refuse to strike out that claim. On the matter of interest, the
defendant relied on the commentary in Gatley on Libel and Slander 9
th
Edition paragraph 26.36 :-
85. Valentine:
Civil Proceedings, The Supreme Court at paragraph 14.78 states that "debt or
damages means any monetary award payable in tort, contract, common law or
equity ...". I consider that the matter is not free from controversy,
therefore, and I do not believe that it is suitable for the draconian remedy of
striking out. I refuse the application in relation to the interest claim,
therefore.
86. The
defendants' principal submission in relation to Mrs McLauglin's claim was that
an article which suggests only that a man has left his wife for a younger woman
is not capable of being defamatory of her. It was contended by Mr Simpson for
the defendants that nothing in the article would tend to lower Mrs McLaughlin
in the estimation of right thinking members of society. For the plaintiff, Mr
Lavery relied on the well known definition of defamatory statement given by
Scrutton LJ in
Youssoupoff
v Metro-Goldwyn Mayer
[1934] 50 TLR 581, 584 "a false statement about a man to his discredit". He
suggested that the false claim that Mrs McLaughlin had been deserted by her
husband for a woman half his age was certainly to her discredit in that it
clearly implied that she was unable to retain his affection and loyalty in the
face of competing youthful charms.
87. While,
in general, there is much force in the suggestion that an article that a man
has left his wife for a younger woman does not, of and by itself, reflect badly
on the deserted wife, I am not able to say that such a suggestion is
incapable
of being defamatory. My task at this stage is to determine whether a meaning
defamatory of the plaintiff is capable of being drawn from the article; it is
not for me to decide if that is the meaning which should or must be drawn from
it. I consider that a construction could be placed on the article which would
tend to reduce the plaintiff in the minds of right thinking members of society.
It is for the jury to decide whether such a construction should be placed upon
it.
88. No
particulars of the facts and matters relied upon to support the innuendo plea
had been included in the statement of claim of either plaintiff. Mr Lavery
indicated that he did not propose to pursue the innuendo claim and I will
therefore accede to the defendants' application to have the reference to the
innuendo deleted from the statement of claim of each plaintiff.
89. In
relation to the meanings pleaded in Mrs McLaughlin's statement of claim, Mr
Simpson submitted that the words of the article complained of were not capable
of bearing the meanings attributed to them in any of the sub-paragraphs of
paragraph 5. I consider that the article is capable of bearing the meanings
set out in sub-paragraphs (1) to (4). I do not consider that it is capable of
bearing the meanings contained in sub-paragraphs (5) to (8), however. There is
nothing in the article which suggests that Mrs McLaughlin was a person of a
particular type; there is nothing to suggest that she had been pitied or
derided or that she was a bad wife or that the family was adulterous. The only
accusation of adultery had been made against her husband, not at any other
member of the family. I will strike out sub-paragraphs (5) to (8), therefore.
90. In
relation to Mr McLaughlin's claim, Mr Simpson suggested that the words
complained of were not capable of bearing the meanings contended for in
sub-paragraphs (2), (4), (6), (7), (8) and (9) of paragraph 5 of his statement
of claim. I agree that nothing in the article could reasonably be construed as
suggesting that he was unfit to be a husband or father or that he was
deceitful, dishonest or hypocritical. I will accede to the defendants'
application in relation to sub-paragraphs (6) to (9), therefore. I am not
satisfied that the words of the article are incapable of bearing the meanings
attributed to them in sub-paragraphs (2) and (4), however, and I refuse the
application in relation to those sub-paragraphs. Sub-paragraphs (1), (2), (3),
(4) and (5) will be allowed to remain, therefore.
91. For
the reasons given in the case of the solicitors' claim, I refuse the
defendants' application in relation to the claims for aggravated and exemplary
damages and interest.
92. The
defendants have applied for leave to be permitted to make a payment into court
in each of the cases. The arguments in relation to this were not developed in
the hearing before me, however, and it appears to me, in any event, that the
parties will wish to consider the effect of this judgment before presenting
submissions on this topic. If, having considered the judgment, the defendants
wish to pursue this application, I will have the matter listed for further
argument on this point.