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Taylor, 'The basis for departure of European standard under Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights from equivalent universal standards.'
URL: http://www.bailii.org/uk/other/journals/WebJCLI/2001/issue5/taylor5.html
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Taylor, 'The basis for departure of European standard under Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights from equivalent universal standards'
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THE DURHAM RESEARCH POSTGRADUATE CONFERENCE - JULY 2001
The basis for departure of European standard under Article 9 of
the European Convention on Human Rights from equivalent universal
standards.
Paul Taylor
PhD candidate, School of Law, University of Nottingham
<
[email protected]>
© Copyright 2001 Paul Taylor
First Published in Web Journal of Current Legal Issues in association with
Blackstone Press.
Summary
This article considers the development and content of Article 9 of the
European Convention on Human Rights as contrasted with universal standards
(making selective reference to Article 18 of the Universal Declaration, Article
18 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the 1981 Declaration on the
Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion
or Belief.) The social context in which European jurisprudence in the field of
freedom of freedom of thought, conscience and religion has developed (largely
secular but rooted in the historic influence of the Christian tradition)
contrasts starkly with differing cultures, religions and political ideologies
represented at the universal level. This leads to speculation whether Article 9
of the European Convention departs significantly from equivalent provisions in
equivalent UN instruments. This article is therefore aimed at the conclusions to
be drawn from a comparison of the practice of the Human Rights Committee, the
European Commission on Human Rights and the European Court, in particular, the
implications for Article 9 of the European Convention.
Contents
Introduction
Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (the Convention ) drew
its inspiration and its text from Article 18 of the Universal Declaration in
pursuance of the express aim of the Convention in taking ‘the first steps
for collective enforcement of certain rights stated in the Universal
Declaration’ (Preamble to the Convention). Article 9, addressing freedom
of thought, conscience and religion, was to be based as far as possible on
Article 18 of the Universal Declaration to reduce the risk of devising
definitions that were at odds with those in U.N. instruments. Yet the travaux
preparatoires of Article 18, and those of subsequent United Nations
instruments in the field of freedom of religion, demonstrate that some of the
influences that fashioned the text of Article 18 may be said to have little
relevance to Article 9 of the Convention, intended for the European context.
Some of the most significant issues debated in the formulation of the Universal
Declaration, which accentuate the differences between instruments intended for
universal and European application, were raised with greater force (and arguably
lasting effect) in the debates leading up to the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (the ICCPR) and the Declaration on the Elimination of all
Forms of Religious Intolerance (the 1981 Declaration).
The complexities of devising a universal instrument addressing freedom of
conscience or religion appear to be considerably greater than for other, even
closely related freedoms. For example, when impetus was given to a U.N.
initiative on religious intolerance following various anti-Semitic incidents in
the early 1960’s, the General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the
preparation of a draft declaration and a draft convention on the elimination of
religious intolerance. Simultaneously, a draft declaration and a draft
convention were proposed on the elimination of racial discrimination in the
knowledge that issues of racial discrimination could be advanced swiftly with
the removal of content relating to religious intolerance, given opposition
expected from Communist countries on ideological grounds (See Lerner, 1981 at
86). Also by then the requirements of certain Middle East countries were better
appreciated than during the drafting of the Universal Declaration. The result
was that the Declaration on Racial Discrimination was adopted in 1963, followed
rapidly by the adoption of the Convention on Racial Discrimination in 1965. By
contrast, it was not until nineteen years after the General Assembly called for
preparation of a convention on religious intolerance that, at best, a
declaration could be adopted, while a convention still remains an aspiration.
The difficulties posed by national law were prominent in the drafting of the
1981 Declaration but had particular significance in Post-Vote Explanations in
the Third Committee (UN Doc. A/C.3/36/SR. 43 at 7-14, 43 (1981)) and in the
plenary meeting of the General Assembly (UN Doc A/36/PV.73, at 1218-1219
(1981)). Throughout the debates, various countries sought to subject the 1981
Declaration to domestic legislation and, when this was not reflected in drafting
changes, ultimately entered reservations concerning inconsistency with national
law. Plans for a convention operating as a counterpart to the 1981 Declaration
have failed ever since.
In short, developments in universal standards since the Universal
Declaration was adopted in 1948, and developments in European standards since
the Convention entered into force in 1953 have meant that the two have, in
certain respects, followed different trajectories. Apart from General Comment
No. 22 (48) which provides the Human Rights Committee’s understanding of
Article 18 of the ICCPR, sources of interpretation of universal standards under
the ICCPR are generally limited to the travaux preparatoires (which are
recorded in some detail), the results of examination of State reports submitted
under Article 40 of the ICCPR and, for those countries which accepted the right
of individual petition under the first Optional Protocol, the Human Rights
Committee’s consideration of communications submitted to it.
Unfortunately, State reports have limited interpretive value in relation to
specific Articles, and there has been a relative shortage of communications from
countries with a non-European conception of freedom of conscience and religion.
The work of the Special Rapporteur, appointed to report on various
manifestations of intolerance and discrimination on the grounds of religion or
belief using the standards established in the 1981 Declaration as a reference
point, provides a wealth of information on a variety of violations but its
emphasis is more factual than interpretive. By contrast, the
travaux preparatoires of the Convention are incomplete and not
authoritative although, given that the origins of Article 9 are so clearly found
in Article 18 of the Universal Declaration, this is not a significant handicap,
particularly as the decisions of the Commission of Human Rights (the Commission)
and the European Court (the Court) are so clearly documented with supporting
reasoning even if that reasoning is open to criticism for its lack of rigour.
Nevertheless, a number of important issues have been canvassed at both universal
and European that deserve comment, a selection of which will now be
examined.
Beliefs and their manifestation
Although Article 18 of the Universal Declaration had been drafted initially
with the protection of religious freedom in mind, pressure quickly mounted,
particularly from Soviet states resisting recognition for religious creeds, for
the protection of atheistic or non-theistic beliefs. The Soviet Union was quick
to point out that freedom of thought and conscience were equally applicable to
believers and atheists, and suggested that the Article should grant freedom not
only for the practice of religions but also anti-religious propaganda and
militant atheism (UN Doc. E/CN.4/AC.2/SR.6 p 11).
The inclusion of non-theistic beliefs in Article 18 was inevitable and,
once accepted, it was not necessary to define ‘thought’,
‘conscience’ and ‘religion’ since this would not be
feasible, and in any event they were to be given similar treatment under the
Universal Declaration. In the drafting of the 1981 Declaration, certain
Communist countries sought detailed definitions of the terms
‘religion’ and ‘belief’, ostensibly in order to ensure
that atheistic and non-theistic beliefs were protected in Article 1 (UN Doc.
A/C.3/36/SR.35 at p. 11 (1981); UN Doc. A/C.3/36/SR.36 at p. 8 (1981)) but it
has been suggested that the real purpose of the proposal was to ‘frustrate
the search for consensus on the entire Declaration’ given that it would be
both impossible and fruitless to attempt such a definition in view of the
diversity of religions and beliefs and ‘the hornet’s nest of
theological, legal, and political disputes any definition would open up’
(Liskofsky, 1985, at 465). The post-vote explanations to the 1981 Declaration
indicate the strength of opposition by Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania
and the Soviet Union on the basis that insufficient emphasis was placed in the
1981 Declaration on atheistic belief. They considered the thrust of the 1981
Declaration, as exemplified in Article 6, to be on religious belief and
therefore incomplete. A more specific reservation was entered by Iraq
(representing the Organization of the Islamic Conference), supported by Iran and
Syria, in respect of ‘any provision or wording of the Declaration which
might be contrary to Islamic law (Shari’a) or to any legislation or act
based on Islamic law’(UN Doc. A/C.3/36/SR.43, para.51), again illustrating
the range of difficulties in the implementation of universal
standards.
Although it is clear that Article 18 of the ICCPR spans both theistic and
atheistic beliefs, not all beliefs are protected. For example, the Human Rights
Committee in M.A.B., W.A.T. and J.-A.Y.T. v. Canada (Communication
No.570/1993) concluded that a claim to ‘belief’ consisting primarily
or exclusively in the worship and use of Marijuana as the
‘Sacrament’ (cannabis) according to the tenets of the Assembly of
the Church of the Universe, was outside Article 18 and inadmissible ratione
materiae. The Human Rights Committee shortly after that decision adopted
General Comment No. 22 elaborating its interpretation of Article 18, confirming
that its application ‘is not limited to traditional religions or to
religions and beliefs with institutional characteristics or analogous to those
of traditional religions’
Similarly in the context of the Convention, ‘belief’ includes
pacifism (
Arrowsmith v. U.K., DR 19/5 and
3 EHRR 218.), Communism
(
Hazar, Hazar and Acik v. Turkey, Nos. 16311/90, 16312/90 and 16311/93,
72 DR 200 (Dec. 1991)), atheism (
Angeleni v. Sweden, No. 10491/83, 40 DR
41 (Dec. 1986)) and pro-life anti-abortion beliefs (
Plattform ‘Arzte
fur das Leben’ v. Austria, No. 10126/82, 44 DR 65 (Dec. 1985)) but
excludes mere ‘opinions’ or ‘ideas’ (
Campbell and
Cosans v. UK, Ser.A, No.48 (1982)). The onus of proving the existence of a
religion when claiming religious belief is, in practice, on the applicant. In
X.v. U.K. (No. 7291/75, 11 DR 55 (Dec. 1977), the applicant was a
follower of the Wicca religion but the Commission commented that ‘the
applicant has not mentioned any facts making it possible to establish the
existence of the Wicca religion’. (It was not necessary in
Chappel. v.
U.K. to establish the existence of Druidism as a religion, even though its
existence was questioned, because the case was decided against the applicant on
other grounds, namely that state restrictions on the celebration of the summer
solstice at Stonehenge were justified under Article 9(2) (
A.R.M Chappell v.
UK, No. 12587/86, 53 DR 241, (Dec. 1987), at 246)).
Professor Evans has drawn out in detail the significance of the distinction
between ‘religion or belief’ and ‘thought or conscience’
to the issue of manifestation (Evans, M.D, 1997). Only manifestations of
‘religion or belief’ are protected under Article 9 of the
Convention, and not manifestations of ‘thought or conscience’ whose
expression may, however, be protected under Article 10. Article 9 is possibly
narrower in protecting manifestation only of ‘religion or belief’
than Article 10. In Article 9, only manifestations that actually express the
belief concerned will be protected, not every act which is motivated and
influenced by a religion or belief (Arrowsmith v. U.K. para. 71;
Efstratiou v. Greece, No. 24095/94, Rep. 1996, at paras. 48-50). So, in
Knudsen v. Norway, the protest at a newly enacted abortion law by a
priest refusing to undertake public functions ‘did not actually express
the applicant’s belief or religious view and it cannot, therefore, be
considered as such to be protected by Article 9(1), even when it was motivated
by it’ (Knudsen v. Norway, No. 11045/84, 42 DR 247 (Dec. 1983)). A
protest expressing a belief is not the practice of a belief. The primary purpose
of Article 9 beyond the protection of personal and privately held beliefs is
that it ‘protects acts which are intimately linked to these attitudes,
such as acts of worship or devotion which are aspects of the practice of a
religion or a belief in a generally recognised form’ (C v. U.K.,
No. 10358/83, 37 DR 142 (Dec. 1983) at 144). The object of genuinely and even
strongly held belief may sometimes be in question. In Valsamis v. Greece
the Court did not agree with the applicant concerning the nature of the parade
march in which she was required to participate at school. It was not a
commemoration of war and was not therefore in opposition to her pacifist beliefs
as a Jehovah’s Witness (Valsamis v. Greece, No. 21787/93, Rep.
1995, paras. 40, 50).
Although the jurisprudence of the Court under the Convention is open to
criticism for a certain lack of consistency in defining the connection between
beliefs and their manifestation, the Human Rights Committee may be said not to
have developed even such a precise approach in connection with Article 18 of the
ICCPR. In State reports, it has not attempted to clarify that nexus, although
paragraph 4 of General Comment No. 22 attempts an elaboration of the phrase
‘to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and
teaching’. Unfortunately, the illustrations provided in that paragraph are
conservative and focus principally on ritual and ceremonial aspects of
manifestation. They do little to expand upon the principles which in J.P. v.
Canada enabled the Human Rights Committee to provide a considerably more
generous illustration of manifestation under Article 18. In J.P. v.
Canada, the Committee affirmed that ‘although Article 18 of the
Covenant certainly protects the right to hold, express and disseminate opinions
and convictions, including objection to military activities and expenditures,
the refusal to pay taxes on grounds of conscientious objection clearly falls
outside the scope of the protection of [Article 18]’ (J.P. v.
Canada, Communication No. 466/1991 (annex X, sect. Y, para. 4.2). See also
J.v.K. and G.M.G. v. K.-S. v. the Netherlands, Communication No.
483/1991).
The Human Rights Committee has developed specific principles, broadly
consistent with those of the Court and Commission, for addressing those issues
affecting conscientious objection, (neither the ICCPR nor the Convention
provides a right of conscientious objection), members of the armed forces, and
the treatment of prisoners but these principles are particular to their context
and are not generally of assistance in the interpretation of either Article 18
of the ICCPR or Article 9 of the Convention, taking each as a whole. (For
Human Rights Committee decisions see: L.T.K. V. Finland, Communication
No.185/1984 where the applicant was not prosecuted because of his beliefs or
opinions as such, but because he refused to perform military service; Richard
Maille v. France, Communication No.689/1996; Henricus Antonius
Godefriedus Maria Brinkhof v. the Netherlands, Communication No.402/1990;
Frederic Foin v. France, Communication No.666/1995 Paul Westerman v.
the Netherlands, Communication No.682/1996. For Article 9 decisions see:
Grandrath v. Federal Republic of Germany, followed in X. v.
Austria, No. 5591/72, 43 CD 161 (Dec.1973); Johansen v. Norway, No.
10600/83, 44 DR 155 (Dec. 1985), A v. Switzerland, No. 10640/83, 38 DR
219 (Dec. 1984), Autio v. Finland, No. 17086/90, 72 DR 245 (Dec.
1991), X. v. Belgium, No. 24631/94 (Dec.1995). Members of the armed
forces undoubtedly call for different treatment from civilians. Thus in Kalac
v. Turkey, an Article 9(2) No. 20704/92, in choosing to pursue a military
career the applicant was accepting of his own accord a system of military
discipline that implied certain restrictions on his freedom that could not be
imposed on civilians (para. 27). A military judge advocate could therefore be
given compulsory retirement on the grounds of his conduct (membership of a
fundamentalist sect) and attitude which were inconsistent with his position in a
country dedicated to the principle of secularism. See also Yanasik v.
Turkey, No. 14524/89, 74 DRD 14 (Dec. 1993), 26.in which a trainee cadet was
prevented from participating in a religious movement, whose aim and programme
was to ensure the pre-eminence of religious rules. Because of his voluntary
enrolment, the ‘military rules may make cadets’ freedom to practise
their religion subject to limitations as to time and place, without however
negating it completely’.)
Freedom of choice in religion or belief
Both the Universal Declaration and the Convention refer expressly to
freedom to change religion or belief yet the inclusion of such wording in the
Universal Declaration proved to be one of its most controversial features. It
was only on the condition that the concerns of certain Muslim countries appeared
in the summary record that Egypt declared itself able to vote in favour of the
Universal Declaration. The Saudi delegate felt so strongly about the reference
to changing religion in Article 18 of the Universal Declaration that he had been
compelled to abstain from voting on the Declaration as a whole (UN Doc.
A/C.3/SR. 367 (1948), at 40). In the preparation of the ICCPR explicit language
referring to a change of religion also met with sustained opposition (See, for
example, UN Docs E/CN.4/SR 319 (1948), A/C.3/SR. 289, 302 and 306 (1948)).
Eventually, the compromise version ‘to have or adopt a religion or belief
of his choice’ was accepted. In a departure from Article 18 of the
ICCPR the 1981 Declaration refers in Article 1, paragraphs (1) and (2) to
‘freedom to have a religion or whatever belief of his choice’ but in
order to prevent the Declaration being interpreted as changing any previous U.N.
instruments, it was necessary to add the ‘without prejudice’ saver
in Article 8. By following the text of Article 18 of the Universal Declaration
it clear that Article 9 of the Convention benefited from the successful
inclusion of an express right to change religion which could not be repeated in
later U.N. instruments, for reasons that were indicated to be related to
difficulties that might be encountered in ratification and implementation of the
Covenant in various non-European countries while it included an express right to
change religion. In its consideration of cases involving proselytism, such as
Kokkinakis v. Greece (discussed below), or involving tax exemption on
severing membership of the Catholic Church (Gottesmann v. Switzerland,
App. No. 10616/83, 40 Eur. Comm’n H.R. Dec.& Rep. 284 (1984)), the
Court has undoubtedly given a literal interpretation to the words ‘freedom
to change his religion or belief’.
Freedom from coercion
Closely related to the objections underpinning an express right to change
religion in the Universal Declaration were concerns about missionary activities
and coercion. No reference was made in the Universal Declaration to coercion yet
the inter-relation between the right to change religion and coercion is
important. It has been described by Lerner as follows (Lerner, 1982, at
188):
Coercion in
religious matters is always a grave violation of human rights. The use of
coercion to induce others to adopt a religion which is not theirs or to abandon
their own beliefs has played a particularly horrible role in the history of
mankind. The condemnation of coercion in the field of religious rights is thus
beyond controversy...The question of freedom of propagation of one’s
religion and the legitimacy of attempts to convince others of one’s
religious truth is different. In modern human rights law, the right to change
one’s religion, in the absence of coercion and as a result of free will is
considered a recognized freedom.
Article 9 of the Convention does not include a provision prohibiting
coercion which would impair freedom in the individual's choice of religion,
equivalent to that found in Article 18 (2) of the ICCPR or Article 1(2) of the
1981 Declaration. However, that has not prevented the development of an
equivalent right under Article 9.
Proselytism
The origin of the provisions in universal instruments concerning coercion
lies in wording proposed by Egypt in the preparation of the ICCPR, to allay
fears expressed by Saudi that an express right to change religion ‘might
be interpreted as giving missionaries and proselytisers a free rein’ (UN
Doc. A/C.3/SR.367 para.41 (1951)). Although the principle was readily accepted
that coercion in such matters should be prohibited, no precise distinction has
so far been made between proselytism warranting constraint and proselytism
warranting protection. Undesirable proselytism has been characterised in terms
of ‘improper inducements’ (so described in Rule I(3) resulting from
the Krishnaswami study) or ‘material and moral coercion’ (the term
adopted by the Sub-Commission's Draft Principles on Freedom and
Non-Discrimination in the Matter of Religious Rights and Practices). On the
other hand, non-coercive forms of persuasion or appeals to conscience, or even
the propagation of one's beliefs, have been regarded as deserving of protection.
Among European countries, Greece expressed fear in the drafting of the Universal
Declaration that the phrase ‘freedom ... to manifest his religion or
belief’ might lead to ‘unfair practices of proselytising’ such
as the offer of free material assistance and a number of other advantages
offered to religious adherents which would threaten not only minority groups but
also the religious majority (UN Doc. A/C.3/SR. 127 (1948), at 393). Greece
commented after the vote on what was to become Article 18 of the Universal
Declaration that it had voted for it on the understanding that it did not
authorise unfair practices of proselytism. Turkey also voiced fears in
connection with the ill-fated draft Convention on religious intolerance that
certain freedoms expressed in the draft (including the right to establish and
maintain places of worship, and the right to make pilgrimages which are clearly
safeguarded and were incorporated in the 1981 Declaration ) would encourage
proselytising, a practice prohibited in Turkey (UN Doc. A/C.3/SR.1487 (1967) at
120 - See also Clark,1978, at 212). This not only serves to highlight the
presence of rigorous antagonism against what some understand by the term
‘proselytism’ but, more importantly, reflects a lack of firm
consensus on what ‘proselytism’ means.
It is all the more to be regretted that when given the opportunity to
provide a workable distinction between ‘proper’ and
‘improper’ proselytism in Kokkinakis v. Greece, the Court
failed to do so (Kokkinakis v. Greece, No.14307/88, Ser.A. No.260-A
(1993). Drawing on text provided by the World Council of Churches it accepted
that ‘proper’ proselytism might consist of bearing Christian
witness, which was the true form of evangelism and an essential duty of every
believer and every church, and that ‘improper’ proselytism might
take the form of activities such as offering material or social advantages or
improper pressure with a view to gaining new members for a church (para.48).
However, in spite of making this important distinction, the Court did not apply
it to the facts nor did it condemn the Greek law which criminalizes both proper
and improper forms of proselytism. Instead it ruled against Greece on the basis
of the failure of the Greek court to substantiate with adequate reasoning the
conviction of the applicant for proselytising (para.49). The conclusion
nevertheless is that only improper proselytism is to be constrained, on the
grounds of Article 9(2), and not other forms of proselytism which do not justify
such interference. The Court in effect gave justification to the Greek law by
reference only to the possibility that there exist aberrations of the practice
of proselytism (‘a corruption or defamation of’ the ‘essential
mission and responsibility of every Christian and every church’ - para
48).
Clear interpretation in decisions affecting proselytism is greatly needed,
given that a disproportionate number of cases concern special categories of
applicant such as prisoners, conscientious objectors, and members of the armed
forces. It is all the more important given that a different analysis of
proselytism applies depending on whether the subjects of proselytism (rather
than the applicants) are civilians or military personnel. In Larissis,
Mandalaridis and Sarandis v. Greece, the criminal conviction of air force
officers for proselytising subordinate ranks was upheld, but not the conviction
for proselytising civilians. Concerning subordinate ranks, the conviction was
justified by the need to protect the prestige and effective operation of the
armed services and to protect combatants from ideological coercion (Larissis,
Mandalaridis and Sarandis v. Greece, Nos. 23372/94, 26377/95 and 26378/95 27
EHRR 329 (1998), para.47). Furthermore, subordinates are more susceptible to
influence from their superiors and are unable to reject their approaches. By
contrast, similar acts of proselytism with civilians were not improper, even
when the civilians were in distress (in this case following marital
difficulties) and even though the proselytism was unwelcomed. Nevertheless, as a
general principle, the Court acknowledges that the right to proselytise is to be
safeguarded, as confirmed by the Court in Kokkinakis: ‘Freedom to
manifest one’s religion...includes in principle the right to try to
convince one’s neighbour, for example, through “teaching”,
failing which...”freedom to change [one’s] religion or belief”
enshrined in Article 9 would be likely to remain a dead letter’(para.31).
Two other points are of particular interest. First, the Court may well have
not wanted to venture a definition which had so far eluded attempts at universal
level. However this is to ignore the fact that at universal level far greater
opposition was mounted against proselytism by many non-European countries in the
development of universal standards, where missionary activities were strongly
associated with colonialism or with inducing a change of religion against
domestic law, than by European countries. Secondly, the deference exhibited by
both the Commission and the Court to the needs of the State and the historical
role of established Churches in Europe (as identified by Carolyn Evans) is all
the more unjustified in Europe where wider consensus on such an important issue
is possible (Evans, C, 2001, at 102). The deference shown to the Greek Orthodox
Church is particularly striking given the extensive use made of the
anti-proselytism legislation in Greece. Added to this is the dual effect of the
bias against non-mainstream religions and the bias in favour of established
religions highlighted by Gunn, 1996.
In the universal context, the Human Rights Committee in paragraph 2 of
General Comment No. 22 touches on this issue when it views ‘with concern
any tendency to discriminate against any religion or belief for any reasons,
including the fact that they are newly established, or represent religious
minorities that may be the subject of hostility by a predominant religious
community’. The Human Rights Committee also took up the issue of
discrimination resulting from the recognition of a religion as a State religion
in paragraph 9, but with very little analysis of the issue under Article 18
itself. Instead, it emphasised the position of minorities under Article 27 and
the means to be taken for their protection from discrimination, as well as their
vulnerability as victims to advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred as
contemplated in Article 20, all against the backdrop of the guarantee of equal
protection in Article 26. As Professor Evans has commented, (op cit at
page 208), ‘[o]nce issues primarily (but not exclusively) relating to
discrimination and minority rights are stripped away, the relative paucity of
the interpretive material relating to Article 18 per se is all the more
apparent.’
Other forms of coercion
In providing protection against forms of coercion other than those
associated with proselytism, it is clear that Article 9 of the Convention does
not suffer from the lack of an explicit prohibition against coercion which would
impair the individual's choice of religion found in the later UN instruments.
Expressing the views of the Human Rights Committee on the scope of Article
18(2), paragraph 5 of General Comment No. 22 exemplifies prohibited forms of
coercion by referring to ‘the use or threat of physical force or penal
sanctions to compel believers... to recant their religion or belief or to
convert’, as well as ‘policies or practices having the same
intention or effect’. Issues that have caused concern to the Human Rights
Committee have included attempts made in Korea to force people to recant their
‘anti-Communist’ beliefs (U.N. Doc. A/47/40 (1994)), and in Nepal
excessive restrictions on the right not only to the manifestation of religion
but to change religion (U.N. Doc. A/50/40 (1996) and CCPR/C/74/Add.2.)
Article 9 of the Convention (in common with Article 18 (1)) offers
protection against a wide range of coercive measures apart from this, though it
is not always clear whether it does so on the basis of article 9(1) or (2). Even
those cases decided on the basis of article 9(1) do not specify whether
protection is being given to the forum internum or the right to manifest.
In the Danish Sex Education case, the Court made the following comment in
connection with the First Protocol, Article 2 which was to be treated as
consistent with Articles 8 to 10 (and which is taken by some, for example
Professor Evans, to refer to the forum internum): ‘The State is
forbidden to pursue an aim of indoctrination that might be considered as not
respecting parents' religious and philosophical convictions. This is the limit
that must not be exceeded’ (Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen and Pedersen v.
Denmark, Ser.A, No.48 (1982), para.53). Compulsion falling short of
indoctrination is, needless to say, also protected under Article 9 of the
Convention. The case of Darby v. Sweden concerned the payment of tax to
the Swedish Lutheran Church in circumstances permitting exemption for
non-members of the Church if they were Swedish residents but not the applicant
who was non-resident. The Commission explained that the ‘general right of
freedom of religion under the first limb of Article 9(1)...protects everyone
from being compelled to be involved directly in religious activities against his
will without being a member of the religious community carrying out those
activities’ (Darby v. Sweden, No.11581/85, Rep.1989, para. 51). In
general, however, the tendency of the court is not to decide such matters on the
basis of interference with the forum interim, but instead under Article
9(2). For example, in Buscarani and others v. San Marino (App. No.
24645/94, Eur. Ct H. R., 18 Feb 1999), the requirement of members of parliament
to ‘swear allegiance to a particular religion’ was decided under
Article 9(2) on the basis that the requirement was not necessary in a democratic
society, and not under Article 9 (1) as Carolyn Evans has argued it might have
been.
Respect for religious and other beliefs
There is no general freedom, either under ECHR Article 9 or ICC PR Article
18, offering protection against criticism of one's beliefs, or even respect for
one's beliefs (Church of Scientology and 128 of its members v. Sweden,
No. 8282/78, 21 DR 109 (Dec. 1980) at 111). However, the Court has been prepared
to demonstrate a measure of such protection, either within Article 9 or Article
10 in a variety of ways .
In Kokkinakis v. Greece, the Court considered appropriate
restrictions on the freedom in Article 9 ‘in order to reconcile the
interests of the various groups and to ensure that every one's beliefs are
respected’ (para 33 - emphasis added). The Court has also demonstrated
willingness to allow restrictions under Article 9 for the protection of the
rights and freedoms of others where criticism would cause public indignation
(X v. Sweden, No. 9820/82 (1984) 5 EHRR 297).
Blasphemy laws are intended to provide a measure of respect for certain
beliefs but the manner in which they are upheld by the Court has potentially
far-reaching effect. Often such laws are undoubtedly discriminatory, such as UK
blasphemy law which only criminalizes certain statements against the Christian
faith and not other faiths, but this is not the principle area of concern. In
Choudhury v. UK, No. 17439/90, it was held that such laws do not
constitute discrimination for the purposes of Article 14 because the Convention
itself does not include a right prohibiting blasphemy. Nevertheless, UK
blasphemy law was explained, in Wingrove v. UK, to have a legitimate aim
under Article 10 (2). The Court distinguished between freedom of political
speech and freedom of expression likely to offend the religious convictions of
others: ‘Whereas there is little scope under Article 10 (2)....for
restrictions on political speech or on debate of questions of public interest
... a wider margin of appreciation is generally available to the contracting
States when regulating freedom of expression in relation to matters liable to
defend intimate personal convictions within the sphere of morals or, especially,
religion’ (Wingrove v. UK No. 17419/90, Rep. 1995 para 58). In
supporting a wide margin of appreciation the Court commented that ‘there
is as yet not sufficient common ground in the legal and social orders of the
Member States of the Council of Europe to conclude that a system whereby a State
can impose restrictions on the propagation of material on the basis that it is
blasphemous is, in itself, unnecessary in a democratic society’ (para 57).
Similar principles are reflected in Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria,
in which the Court considered that ‘the respect for religious feelings of
believers as guaranteed by article 9 can legitimately be thought to have
been violated by provocative portrayals of objects of religious veneration; and
such portrayals can be regarded as malicious violation of the spirit of
tolerance, which must also be a feature of democratic society’
(Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria Ser. A, No. 295 - A (1994), para 47).
It then emphasised the importance of ‘weighing up the conflicting
interests of the exercise of two fundamental freedoms guaranteed under the
Convention, namely, the right of the applicant association to impart to the
public controversial views... and the right of other persons to proper respect
for their freedom of thought, conscience and religion’. (para 54) . The
Court concluded that a wide margin of appreciation should be given to States
because ‘[a]s in the case of “morals” it is not possible to
discern throughout Europe a uniform conception of the significance of religion
in society; even within a single country such conceptions may vary.’
As Professor Evans has observed (Evans, M, 1997, at page 336) the
explanation for the emergence of such a right seems to be the to balance
competing claims. However, the combined effect of the uncertainty of the
emerging concept of ‘respect’ for beliefs and the wide margin of
appreciation to be given to States in such matters would certainly be capable of
producing unintended results in the absence of adequate reasoning and a proper
balancing of rights in favour of minority beliefs. For example, the bias
demonstrated in Greece in favour of the Orthodox Church combined with the
non-interventionist approach of the Court could unduly stifle the freedom of
non-Orthodox faiths if they express beliefs contrary to those espoused by the
Orthodox Church.
In the light of this, one area of growing concern is the trend in the
domestic legislation of certain European countries to be manifestly antagonistic
towards non-State religions or denominations (beyond the illustration already
provided by Greece). For example, the anti-sect law passed by the French
National Assembly on 30th May, 2001 has the laudable aim of restricting
dangerous sects but gives power to a single judge to dissolve any religious
group which is deemed to be a ‘sect’. The loose definition of
‘sect’ is reflected in the sheer number already identified by the
authorities (173), including such long-established entities as the Free Baptist
Church. Similarly, the Belgian parliament in 1997 voted on its own anti-sect
report. The list of sects (which was not voted on) appended to the report
included reference to a Christian Fellowship operating at the European
Parliament. This is believed by some to be an interdenominational prayer group
participated in by (among others) members of the European Parliament. The
broadly drafted anti-sect legislation in certain countries will undoubtedly mean
that the historic practice of the Commission and the Court in failing to rule on
the compatibility of the law itself (and not merely certain aspects of its
application) will no longer be sustainable and, it may be hoped, will result in
a more rigorous interpretation of Article 9 and a more interventionist approach.
One of the criticisms made by Judge Martens of the Court in Kokkinakis
(partly concurring) was that the ‘dangerous ambiguity’ of the Greek
anti-proselytism law was such that ‘in an atmosphere of religious
intolerance....provides a perfect and dangerous instrument for repressing
heterodox minorities (para.5)’.
Mention has already been made of the concerns expressed by the Human Rights
Committee in General Comment No. 22 (para 9) in circumstances where State
recognition is given to a particular religion. The Committee has,
understandably, not expressed disapproval of State religions but it has
emphasised the need for the protection of the interests of minority religions
and the requirement of equal treatment. In its consideration of State reports it
has, to take a few of many such examples, sought information from Tunisia
concerning the exercise of and restrictions on political rights, particularly
for non-Muslims, and on legislation and practices regarding access to public
office (U.N. Doc. A/42/40 (1987), from New Zealand on whether specific measures
had been taken to protect the Maori religion (U.N. Doc. A/39/40 (1984)), and
from Finland on the differences that existed between the status of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church and the other religious communities in Finland (U.N.
Doc. A/41/40 (1986)). It is noticeable how frequently the Human Rights Committee
has raised the issue of blasphemy in its examination of reports concerning
countries where the penalty for blasphemy is not severe, rather than those in
which it is. For example, members of the Committee wished to know whether there
had been any evolution in the UK government’s position in respect of
legislation relating to blasphemy and blasphemous libel, to which the government
replied that it was aware that the current legal situation with regard to
blasphemy was unsatisfactory but it did not believe that the necessary consensus
existed to change it- furthermore, the UK government observed that the fact that
the law did not apply to all religions did not contravene Article 18 (U.N. Doc.
A/46/40 (1991)). Similar questions have been asked of New Zealand concerning
blasphemous libel (U.N. Doc. A/44/40 (1989)), Finland (U.N. Doc. A/41/40
(1986)), and Trinidad and Tobago, in the latter case concerning the protection
of religious movements against the false portrayal of their convictions (U.N.
Doc. A/43/40 (1988)). Although the State reports provide useful factual detail,
the Committee’s examination of them does not assist in the application of
Article 18 to that particular issue. It is unclear precisely where such
questions are targeted.
Limitations
In line with similar provisions in universal instruments, Article 9(2) of
the Convention allows State limitations to the extent ‘prescribed by
law’ and even then only if ‘necessary in a democratic society in the
interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health or
morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others’. The
limitation, ‘prescribed by law’ in Article 9 is the same as that
found in Article 18 of the ICCPR and is interpreted so that it ‘does not
merely refer back to domestic law but also relates to the quality of law,
requiring it to be compatible with the rule of law, which is expressly mentioned
in the preamble to the Convention’ (Malone v. UK, 82 Eur. Ct. H.R.
(ser.A) at 32 (1984)). In Manoussakis and others v. Greece it prevented
the apparently innocent requirement for authorization to operate a place of
worship being ‘transformed from a mere formality into a lethal weapon
against the right to freedom of religion’ (Manoussakis and others v.
Greece, Judgment dated February 26, 1996; 23 EHRR 387, at para.41). The
‘prescribed by law’ requirement also prevents arbitrariness so that
in Hasan and Caush v. Bulgaria, the failure to recognise the leadership
of the applicant interfered with the internal organisation of the Muslim
community and was condemned for allowing the State unfettered discretion in the
appointment (Hasan and Caush v. Bulgaria, Judgment dated October 26,
2000).
In the early Commission and General Assembly debates, it became clear that
the notion of ‘democracy’ in the Universal Declaration was capable
of a diverse interpretation, with the Soviet Union, for example, defining
democratic State in terms which denotes ‘the obligation for a minority to
submit to the majority of the people’ (UN Doc E/CN.4/SR.51 (1948)). The
resulting draft limitation Article 29(2) of the Universal Declaration referred
to ‘democratic society’, firmly rejecting the Soviet Union’s
proposal for ‘democratic State’. The purpose of Article 29(2) of the
Universal Declaration was to provide a conception of society which excludes all
non-democratic regimes and provides a criterion for distinguishing between true
and false forms of democracy. The plumb-line for the limitation Article is
therefore ‘the purposes and principles of the United Nations’ and to
emphasise membership of the international community (UN Docs. A/C.3/SR.153, 345
(1948)). As Svensson-McCarthy has observed, there was agreement in principle
among most countries that the criterion of a democratic society is whether or
not it genuinely represents the will of the people and respects the human rights
proclaimed in the Universal Declaration. Although it might appear circular to
define democracy by reference to human rights, she noted that we cannot ignore
the fact that this is how the drafters explained a ‘democratic
society’ (Anna-Lena Svensson-McCarthy, The International Law of Human
Rights and States of Exception, p 101). The limitations in Article 9(2) of
the Convention differ by the obvious addition of the phrase, ‘necessary in
a democratic society’ but given the above interpretation of the United
Nations instruments, its addition is not significant other than to reinforce
that interpretation. However, one significant difference is that across European
countries there is tighter consensus on the meaning of ‘democratic
society’ than can be expected at universal level. For this reason the term
has not needed much clarification although in the Kokkinakis case
pluralism was placed at the heart of the notion of democratic society. Religion
was described as ‘one of the most vital elements that go to make up the
identity of believers and their conception of life, but it is also a precious
asset for atheists, agnostics, sceptics and the unconcerned. The pluralism
indissociable from a democratic society, which has been dearly won over the
centuries depends on it’ (para.31).
There is no universally applicable common standard of 'public morals' (see
Hertzberg v. Finland, Communication No. 61/1979, International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights, Human Rights Committee, Selected Decisions under
the Optional Protocol (2nd-16th Sessions), UN Doc. CCPR/C/Optional
Protocol/1, at 124, 126, at 10.3 (1985)). However, it would appear from the
Human Rights Committee’s observations that, consistent with developing
emphasis on pluralism, the term is not to be judged by reference to a single
religion or culture (para.8 of General Comment No.22). Similarly the Special
Rapporteur on religious intolerance noted with concern that freedom of religion
was only guaranteed in Colombia if not contrary to Christian morality (UN Doc
E/CN.4/1988/43, at 10-11), and in Panama that Christian morality was a ground
for imposing limitations (UN doc E/CN.4/1987/37, at 13). However, in interpreting
Article 9 of the Convention, the ‘morals’ component of ‘health
or morals’ confers a wide margin of appreciation because of the lack of
uniformity of any conception of morals in the legal and social orders of the
Contracting States (Handyside v. UK, Ser. A no.24 (1976) followed in
Muller and others v. Switzerland, Ser.A, no. 133 (1988), para. 35).
Conclusion
The similarity between the text of Article 18 of the Universal Declaration
and Article 9 of the Convention, and the similarity in the practice of the Human
Rights Committee, the Commission and the Court in certain specific respects,
belies one critically important difference between the universal and the
European context. Among countries that are signatory to UN instruments, the
differences in culture, domestic law, political ideology and even in their
conception of freedom of thought, conscience and religion are reflected in the
obstacles to the development of universal standards over the past 50 years and
the failure of a convention on matters of religious intolerance. Although the
assertion that ‘it is not possible to discern throughout Europe a uniform
conception of the significance of religion in society’ has led to a wide
margin of appreciation in decisions concerning religious matters, this does not
give sufficient importance to the fact that throughout Europe there is in fact
strong consensus on the meaning and value of democracy, pluralism and tolerance.
Nevertheless, a wide margin of appreciation potentially provides the gateway for
allowing increased State restriction on the activities of minority religious
groups in Europe, even if (as in Otto-Premier-Institut) the aim is to
protect the enjoyment of certain aspects of religious freedom. Greater scope
exists in the development of Convention jurisprudence for cogency, consistency
and better precision than exists in the development of universal standards, yet
opportunities for this are repeatedly missed and a non-interventionist approach
maintained by the Court.
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